(12) In some NENA dialects the fresh new preterite away from Classification II verbs keeps an effective vocalism (m)CoCiC- or (m)CuCiC- with no predecessor in the last dialects. Noldeke (1868, 213) suggested that the progressive function try connected with the newest Hebrew pual. Examples: Aradhin mbusille ‘he cooked’ (Krotkoff 1982, 136), Tkhuma mso:re:li ‘I began’, Jilu +poltele ‘he grabbed they out’ (Fox 1992, 54). Models having o or you try missing additional NENA as well as have in several of your own NENA languages: Hertevin, Sanandaj Religious, and Halabja: Halabja bqirraxun ‘you (pl.) asked’, Hertevin bqerre ‘he asked’ (Jastrow 1988, 206).

(13) The entire introduce is marked because of the good prefix throughout NENA but Hertevin as well as in Mandaic plus in Turoyo. The fresh new prefix takes certainly one of three models: (a) k- towards all verbs (complex to c- in Urmi, prolonged to ko- in advance of consonants inside Turoyo, and also in Zakho to be g- in advance of a voiced phoneme); (b) k- however, merely into a finite category of verbs (with voicing assimilation and frequently most other alter also); otherwise (c) i- on all verbs.

Examples: (a) Zakho k-xaze ‘he sees’, g-emir ‘he says’ (Meehan and Alon 1979, 182), Urmi csader ‘he sends’ (Hetzron 1969, 115), Turoyo kohoze ‘he sees’, Tisqopa ksaqIl ‘he takes’ (Rubba, private communications); (b) Halabja k-ImrIx-wa ‘we do say’, but doqIx-wa-ce ‘we do observe it’, Azerbaijan k-xil ‘he eats, will eat’, however, sate ‘he beverages, tend to, will get drink’ (Garbell 1965, 66, 67); (c) Aradhin we-zare:la ‘he tills it’ (Krotkoff 1982, 70), Jilu i-napli baro ‘they pursue her’ (Fox 1992, 55).

The k- prefix is apparently an emergency of the prefix qa- regarding BT, such as the ubiquitous qatane ‘he teaches’. age ‘stands’. In a few east languages the shipment away from k- happens to be limited to a small group of verbs (Garbell 1965, 65). In other people, it’s got gone away and you may started replaced by a separate prefix we-, and therefore most likely began as less type of i[Theta] ‘there is’.

Examples: Halabja geznawa ta knista ‘I goes toward new synagogue’, Aradhin tla t-sapri ‘to wait’, Jilu zIlli l-yawa zuze tla da kIcca ‘I decided to go to bring currency so you’re able to a great girl’, Tisqopa [Theta]e:li ta di-mbaslan ‘I (fem

(14) This new verb ‘give’ is actually yehav when you look at the BT, and you can yav during the Syriac. It’s been remade in most NENA languages from the incorporation of your following the l- ‘to’. The newest vital, that was hav inside the Syriac and you will BT, was hal (Noldeke 1868, 256) throughout NENA which I’ve recommendations, but not in Turoyo otherwise Mandaic.

(15) Throughout NENA, the latest just one vital off qyama ‘get up’ has shed their latest m: Aradhin qu (Krotkoff 1982, 145), Sanandaj Christian qu (Panoussi, 110). New plural, but not, holds the newest yards.

(16) In most NENA, this new crucial off (i)zala ‘go’ is actually abnormal: Aradhin lorsque (Krotkoff 1982, 147), Sanandaj Religious say (Panoussi 119), Jilu se, Jewish Azerbaijani quand (Garbell 1965, 285).

(17) Round the NENA, several different terms and conditions are utilized since the base to own reflexive pronouns instance ‘myself’. He or she is: ruh- when you look at the Hertevin as well as in Turoyo, nos- throughout the three easternmost Jewish languages, and you may gyan- in the leftover languages: Hertevin ruhan ‘ourselves’ (Jastrow 1988, 197), Zakho qtala gyane ‘beating himself’ (Meehan and Alon 1982, 181), Halabja nosan ‘ourselves’.

It qa- is itself a great black singles bilgisayarda kullanımı contraction from qa?

(18) Another type of preposition meaning ‘to’ otherwise ‘for’ which will take the proper execution ta, tla, otherwise tla was widespread, whether or not maybe not universal, for the NENA, not found in Mandaic or Turoyo. ) involved cook’ (Rubba, personal interaction), Zakho cuxa los angeles psIxle darga story ‘no one to exposed the entranceway so you’re able to him’ (Meehan and you can Alon 1979, 182).